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Dancing to the Tohono O'odham polka

Marty Durlin | May 14, 2009 08:57 AM

Joaquin BrothersPolka is everywhere, including on the Tohono O'odham Nation in southwestern Arizona, where the Joaquin Brothers band -- playing a form of polka music that accompanies the "chicken scratch," a popular dance on the reservations of the Southwest -- has been going for more than 50 years.

"Waila" is taken from "baila," which means dance in Spanish. Blending polka, waltz, tejano, cumbia and Norteno, Waila's roots go back as far as the late 1700s, when European immigrants brought their accordions with them to work on the railroads. When electricity came to the reservations in the 1950s and '60s, the Joaquin Brothers amped it up with electric keyboards and guitars. They also added saxophones.

The band was founded by Angelo Joaquin, who was lured to Los Angeles ("where employment was plentiful") in the 1950s by the federal government's Urban Relocation Program. In Los Angeles, Joaquin formed his first group at the Papago Club, where relocated Tohono O'odham members gathered. Three generations later, the band is going strong and a new PBS documentary entitled "Waila: Making the People Happy" features the Joaquin family playing and telling their story.

Directed by Quechan Daniel Golding, the film follows the Joaquins from the reservation to Carnegie Hall, where they performed in 1994. "I wanted people to see a side of Native America not normally portrayed -- one that is a true representation of the Native spirit, fun," says Golding.

Curious? You can hear the Joaquin Brothers play such tunes as "Hohokam Polka" at Canyon Records.

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Get to know the locals

Terray Sylvester | May 14, 2009 06:17 AM

Encana has a bit of a reputation for looking out for wildlife. Though predictably, it's an ambiguous  one. High Country News has covered the oil and gas company's efforts to trade habitat restoration dollars for sweetheart lease deals, and its practice of padding drill sites to minimize vegetation impacts. Those moves may not add up to much more than a "perfumed pig" -- as Wyoming Governor Freudenthal once put it -- but still, the company's latest effort in the general area of wildlife awareness piqued my interest. Recently, Encana teamed up with the Colorado Division of Wildlife to produce a DVD titled: "Wildlife in Colorado: what you should know." The 15-minute reel will be shown to oil and gas workers before they're dispatched to the field, and I was curious to see what it would cover. During an average day on the job what can a worker do, I wondered, to reduce the impacts of such an important, and such a dirty, industry?

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Gratuitous displays of ignorance

Emily Underwood | May 12, 2009 11:35 AM

 

Yesterday morning I got sucked into a vortex of reader comments on several articles about Native American issues. One story by NPR echoed our January feature story by Andrea Appleton, "Blood Quantum," describing the controversy over what percentage of Indian blood is required to enroll in a tribe. The second, from the Great Falls Tribune,  described the Little Shell tribe's struggle for official recognition and its accompanying benefits. The third,  from The Missoulian, reported Congress' second attempt to formulate an official apology to Native peoples for their treatment by the U.S. government.

All three articles inspired lively discussions. Some of the comments were well reasoned and thought-provoking. The majority were un-researched and inflammatory. Reading them reminded me of trying to hold a conversation with someone high or crazy -- if you're not careful you'll start doubting your own sanity. Anyone who reads much online news and participates in or reads discussion boards will recognize this kind of comment, written in response to the Missoulian article about the proposed U.S. apology. This is one of the milder, more coherent examples.

"NoFreeSpeec" writes: 

"And who's going to give me an appology for being white and labled a racist everyday of the week, my ancestors where in europe being persecuted back when all of this was supposedly happening to the indaians and now I'm getting lumped in and held responsible...It's like taking my money away to pay for something my friend's great grandfather MIGHT have done, and MIGHT have even done in good cause because someone had killed his family...Maybe we should just send all these minority groups off to fight wars to 'presever of freedom" seeing how they are the only ones who get to keep it, because I sure don't, I open my mouth and I'm called a racist. NO wonder no one trusts our government anymore."

And so on. 

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Western Imagery

Ed Quillen | May 11, 2009 10:42 AM

    When we look out our windows, do we always see the real West out there, or do we often perceive what photographers have taught us to to see?
 
    The question comes up with an exhibit of 120 photographs at the Museum of Modern Art in New York City. Called "Into the Sunset, Photography's Image of the American West," it runs through June 8.
 
    According to MoMA's  website, the photos "illustrate photography's role in popularizing ideas of the sublime landscape, Manifest Destiny, and the 'land of opportunity,' as well as describing a more complex vision of the West, one that addresses cultural dislocation, environmental devastation, and failed social aspiration."
 
    Not that I'm likely to see the exhibit, but you see a dozen of the photos, along with some thought-provoking commentary by Sara Boxer, at  Slate, an on-line magazine.
 
    It's well worth an on-line visit where you'll learn that "You may be the victim of a great Western fantasy," since photography "has done more than anything to construct our vision of the West."
 
    My own attitude about photography and the West developed when I was reviewing a book of gorgeous mountain landscape photos, and it struck me that these were to the real mountains as Playmate photos were to real women. Real women have stretch marks and moles; Playmates don't. Real mountains have road cuts and power lines and mine dumps; Coffee-Table Book Mountains don't.
 
    In both cases, a photographer seems to be promoting a fantasy, and perhaps it has ever been so in the West.
 

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Notes from el Mundo Nuevo

Michael Wolcott | May 11, 2009 02:30 AM

We are not talking about border policy here. This is about Planet Desert.

The hungers grow. Fewer crumbs reach the global economy’s bottom-dwellers, so they abandon the slums and failing campos to take their best shots at something more. For this, they must be hunted. I am in the Altar Valley to look at the tracks.

The Altar Valley south of Tucson is one of those places where Latin America and the United States have stopped remembering their own names. “The border” has become an inadequate term for such Homeland Security hotspots. They are el mundo nuevo, the new world.

Here on this militarized edge, with its checkposts and spy towers and aerial surveillance, much is revealed. Old notions crumble. The might of the U.S. security state is rendered irrelevant by poor people in sneakers. The shrill debate over immigration is drowned out—by helicopter traffic and by the silence of mourning. Instead there are mere facts: a $500 million-dollar wall and triple-digit temperatures; human desperation licking at finite resources; cartels, coyotes, and luckless poor people dying on the rocks.

It is late March, just before the killing heat arrives. The truck bounces along in 4-wheel-drive. The woman at the wheel is with a gringo humanitarian group that puts out plastic jugs of water on the migrant trails. The jugs are dated, and bear messages scrawled in Spanish with black markers: “Good Luck Amigo!” and “Be Strong!" The jugs are often found empty, slashed with knives.

Twenty miles to the west, across the valley, sunrise flares pink on a huge stump of old volcanic rock called Baboquivari Peak. A few miles to the south, the Las Guijas Mountains are sprayed with dusty gold. The woman says there is a place in the Las Guijas that I must see. 

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The cost of progress

The Environmental Working Group just released a two-year study focusing on the toxins found in five minority women at the forefront of environmental justice battles. Within each community, these women work tirelessly to protect citizens from various forms of pollution. And within each of these women, scientists found significantly higher amounts of toxins than other Americans who have been tested.

Here's a look at the three Westerners in the study:

Suzie Canales of Citizens for Environmental Justice (CEJ) investigates all of Corpus Christi, TX., for the impacts of the energy industry there. The study says CEJ “found the city’s birth defect rate to be 84 percent higher than in other parts of Texas.”

Suzie's current battle: preventing Citgo Petroleum Corp. from expanding operations in Corpus Christi

Test highlights:

  • Tested positive for 26 to 29 of 75 chemicals.
  • Bisphenol A - 85th percentile. Higher than all but 15 percent of Americans tested.
  • Polycyclic musks - 86th percentile. Higher than all but 14 percent of people tested.
  • Also found - Perchlorate, lead, perfluorochemicals (PFCs), polybrominated diphenyl ethers (PBDEs), mercury.

Jean Salone, also of CEJ, chaired a biomonitoring study that found residents of her predominantly African American community “had elevated blood and urine concentrations of benzene, a chemical associated with oil drilling and refining and listed by the U.S. government as a known human carcinogen.” Hillcrest, Salone’s community, borders the Citgo oil refinery. She wonders if her own bout with breast cancer is connected to refinery emissions.

Test highlights:

  • Tested positive for for 40 to 45 of 75 chemicals chemicals.
  • Bisphenol A - 77th percentile. Higher than all but 23 percent of Americans tested.
  • Perfluorochemicals (PFCs) - 80th percentile. Higher than all but 20 percent of Americans tested.
  • Polybrominated diphenyl ethers (PBDEs) - 89th percentile. Higher than all but 11 percent of Americans tested.
  • Also found - Perchlorate, lead, mercury, polycyclic musks.

Vivian Chang, former executive director of the Asian Pacific Environmental Network, in Oakland, CA., says Asian immigrants face “isolation and invisibility to the regulatory agencies,” because nobody speaks their language. She organized the Laotian community of Richmond, CA., “to confront environmental problems caused by the local Chevron oil refinery.”

Test highlights:

  • Tested positive for for 40 to 45 of 75 chemicals chemicals.
  • Mercury - 91st percentile. Higher than all but 9 percent of Americans tested.
  • Polycyclic musks - 84th percentile. Higher than all but 16 percent of people tested.
  • Polybrominated diphenyl ethers (PBDEs) - 86th percentile. Higher than all but 14 percent of Americans tested.
  • Also found - Perchlorate, bisphenol A (BPA), lead, perfluorochemicals (PFCs).

In April, researchers from the University of Massachusetts and the University of Southern California released a study stating that low-income and minority neighborhoods are disproportionately affected by industrially-generated toxic air.

Where's the corporate responsibility?

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Pika power-downer

Sarah Gilman | May 07, 2009 02:59 AM

You could say I'm pika-obsessed. I've sat in many a talus field until my butt went numb, watching the diminutive rabbit-relatives ferry mouthfuls of wildflowers. I've spent collective hours trying to mimic their squeeze-toy call (without success) while I built trails on Mount Massive, outside of Leadville, Colo. I even sharpied myself a "Pika Power" patch, complete with a drawing of the furry creature, on a scrap of old sheet and sewed it to the back of a blazer, so that I might sport my pika-love with pride.  In other words, I'm a huge nerd.

And as a certifiable pika nerd, I'm feeling pretty ambivalent about the latest pika news: On Wednesday, May 6, the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service announced that the alpine critter may warrant federal protection under the Endangered Species Act. As Michelle Nijhuis documented in her 2006 High Country News cover story "The Ghosts of Yosemite" and accompanying sidebar, pikas -- high altitude lovers by nature -- have been retreating to higher and higher elevations as the climate warms. If the trend continues, they may be pushed off the peaks and out of existence.

That possibility led the Center for Biological Diversity and Earthjustic to petition for pika listing back in 2007. The service's latest finding came after the groups filed a lawsuit in 2008 to force the feds to respond to the petition, and later settled with the government this past February.

On one hand, the announcement indicates pikas may finally get some protection from the feds. And their plight, once fully recognized, may add yet more urgency to mounting a meaningful response to climate change.

On the other hand, it's one more sign that we don't have all that much time to act. And that regardless of what we do, we may quickly lose some of the things that fill us with unselfconscious nerdy wonder.

*Sigh.*

 

 

 

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Portland's crystal ball

Jodi Peterson | May 06, 2009 05:35 AM

For three decades, Oregon has been a leader among Western states with its progressive planning for growth. Now the city of Portland is looking into the future, staking out land for farms and homes for the coming decades.

After the state passed landmark land-use planning rules in 1973, Portland decided to protect the open space and farmland surrounding the city, and restricted urban development to a 22-square-mile block. A backlash against similarly strict land regulations began building across the state, and in 2004, citizens passed Measure 37, which  loosened urban growth boundaries and strengthened property rights. Alarmed by the development anarchy unleashed by Measure 37, residents passed Measure 49 in

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Special Interest or Public Interest ?

Felice Pace | May 05, 2009 12:55 PM

Ray Ring's HCN report “Champions Go Both Ways – Two Weeks in the West” in the April 27th edition was sure to spur debate. The report focused on Obama Administration appointments at the Interior Department which were described as plums and pay backs which have been handed out to members of the environmental establishment in a manner similar to the way the Bush Administration rewarded supporters from extractive industries.

You can read the article and the multitude of comments from readers it has inspired on line.  And while these terms were not used in either the article or (so far) in on-line comments, it seems to me that the debate about Ray's report is essentially about the difference between special interests and the public interest.

Environmental organizations tell the world that they operate in the public interest. The basis for this claim is the Public Trust Doctrine.  First formulated by the Roman Emperor Justinian, the PTD declares that air, water and the shores of navigable rivers and streams are public property which can not be owned or controlled by private interests. The doctrine has been carried into American common law via the Magna Carta and English Common Law. It has been argued that laws like the Endangered Species Act have extended the concept of the public trust to apply to the survival of animals and plant species.

Politicians, however, treat environmental organizations not as representatives of the public interest but as just another special interest whose power, influence – and campaign contributions – need to be considered and weighed against the power, influence – and campaign contributions – of corporate and other private interests.

It seems to me that the environmental establishment has, for the most part, accepted the status of special interest while some environmental establishment organizations have wholeheartedly embraced that role. This is reflected in the proliferation of 501-c-4 environmental organizations which, while non-profit, can lobby for specific legislation. This in turn has corresponded to a waning of interest in claims and campaigns based on the public trust.

To be fair, it is a bit disingenuous to blame the environmental establishment for accepting a role which has been thrust upon it by politicians and society. In our society and in our politics many things that were traditionally public have been redefined as private – a process which continues to this day. Water privatization and air pollution trading are two contemporary examples. Privatization of the air and water are criticized by Indigenous activists as contrary to the essential public nature of these elements.

Most Americans are unaware of the extent to which the public interest as a guiding concept in our public life has already been eroded and continues under attack today. The drive to redefine water, air, wildlife and all things traditionally public as private is a radical development which conflicts with the bedrock values which prevailed during most of human history and which persist today in Indigenous societies and within our own traditions. Whether our children and grandchildren will enjoy the benefits of the Public Trust Doctrine, however, appears to be in doubt. 

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Deadly efficiency

Emily Underwood | May 05, 2009 02:30 AM

Since the 1940's, farmers in the Mexicali Valley in Baja California have relied on leakage from the All-American Canal to irrigate their fields. The 80 mile-long channel runs from the Imperial Dam, north of Yuma, Ariz., along the U.S./Mexico border, ending near Calexico. It diverts about 3.1 million acre-feet of Colorado River water to nine Southern Calif. cities and waters 500,000 acres of Imperial Valley farmland every year.  

Because the Bureau of Reclamation originally dug the channel through sandy dirt, leaving it unlined,  about 67,700 acre-feet, or 2 percent, of that water escapes on a yearly basis through the absorbent walls of the canal, filling wells in the Mexicali valley across the border and watering thousands of acres of wetlands. However, this unintended generosity finally dried up last Saturday as California officials gathered to celebrate the completion of a new, $300-million  project which replaced a 23-mile section of the dirt canal with a concrete-lined channel. 

Conserving  67,700 acre-feet per year may alleviate some of the pressure on Southern Calif. to get more water from the Sacramento or Colorado Rivers. It will provide 16,000 acre-feet per year in water rights for the Mission Indians and other local groups. However, it will also dry up 3,000 acres of prime agricultural land in Mexico, and over 15,500 acres of  wetlands.  

Funded by the San Diego County Water Authority and the state government, the plan to line the canal was approved by Congress in 1988, but lawsuits from the Mexican government and protests from environmentalists have slowed its progress. See Matt Jenkins' 2007 story, "The Efficiency Paradox," for an exploration of how the canal's sloppy engineering has sustained ecosystems as well as thousands of Mexican farmers.

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