Under a brain-scorching heat, a group of farmworkers
harvests melons from a vast field near Huron, Calif. There is only
one woman among the dozen or so workers; she leans into the task,
her arms outstretched, her body itself a tool. The bandana around
her face and her baggy long-sleeved T-shirt offer a thin protection
against pesticides, dust and sun. But these clothes, which mask her
figure and her beauty, are also her best defense against a darker,
less tangible threat: sexual assault and harassment by her
co-workers or boss.
"Women get touched on the bottom all
the time or taken advantage of, " says Maria Reyes, a former
farmworker in California's Central Valley. "It happens so much it's
kind of normal." Reyes was sexually harassed and assaulted by her
boss for years. When she eventually reported it to the ranch
owners, they did nothing. "I told the owners of the ranch
everything, but unfortunately, they don't pay attention to a
farmworker woman. No one cares what happens to you; you just come
and go like a piece of trash. "
The abuse - and dismissal
- of immigrant women who work in agriculture is epidemic. In a 1997
study, 90 percent of female farmworkers in California reported
sexual harassment as a major problem. Ten years later, those who
work with farmworkers say that abuse - which ranges from obscene
jokes and sexual innuendo to inappropriate rubbing, pinching and
even rape - affects thousands of women. Workers in Salinas, Calif.,
refer to one company as the field de calzon, or
"field of panties," because so many supervisors rape women there.
In several recent cases brought before federal court in California,
women who resisted advances were fired or suspended without pay.
Sexual assault and harassment is by no means unique to
agriculture, but female farmworkers are 10 times more vulnerable
than other workers , says William Tamayo, regional attorney for the
U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, San Francisco
District. A recent survey in California found that male workers
outnumber women in the fields and nurseries by about 20 to one.
There is little workplace monitoring. The vast majority of
farmworker women are non-English-speaking immigrants, lured to the
U.S. by jobs that pay three times the wages available in Mexico or
Central America. Even so, that's not a lot of money: The average
woman in agriculture makes $11,250 a year, saddling her to an
exhausting life in which every dollar is precious.
"Most
of us when we sit down and eat our good food don't ever consider
what these women go through to ensure that all of us can feed our
families, " says Dolores Huerta, co-founder of the United Farm
Workers union. "It's almost like sexual harassment is part of the
job. A woman can expect that at one time or another she will be
sexually harassed by her foreman."
The failure of
Congress to pass a pragmatic immigration policy or to create legal
pathways to naturalization for the people - many with children -
who have lived and worked in this country for decades only
intensifies the challenges these women face. In the absence of
federal policy, some Western counties and cities have passed
punitive anti-immigration ordinances. An increasing number of
communities require English-only signage, prohibit renting
apartments to the undocumented, and fine or revoke the licenses of
employers caught hiring those without papers.
Since 2003, the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement
has doubled deportations and tripled raids and detentions of
undocumented immigrants. Many campesinas live
here illegally with their American-born children: Some 3.1 million
children in America have undocumented parents, according to the Pew
Hispanic Center. The threat of deportation and separation from
their families makes these women even more reluctant to report
sexual assault, says Jeanne Batalova of the Washington, D.C.-based
Migration Policy Institute, an independent think tank.
This April, as a way to mark Sexual Assault Awareness Month, at
least 14 cities throughout the West will host the Bandana Project.
Participants will decorate white bandanas to show solidarity with
those who have spoken up and taken action against sexual abuse. The
bandanas will be displayed throughout April on clotheslines in
public places, including libraries, government buildings and
universities, with the goal of raising public awareness. Launched
last June at the nation's first conference to combat the sexual
assault of farmworker women, the initiative is sponsored by a
coalition of sexual assault activists, farmworker groups, emergency
responders, lawyers and government officials.
"I hope
this will help the broader public - people who don't work directly
with farmworkers or sexual assault victims - become more invested
in the issue, " says Heather Huhtanen of the Oregon attorney
general's Sexual Assault Task Force, which is hosting bandana
displays at two locations in Salem.
Last year at the
conference, an anonymous attendee ripped holes in her white bandana
and then sewed it back together with clumsy dark stitches. Across
the white broadcloth in a red pen she scrawled, "Yo tengo esperanza
y fuerte." I have hope and strength.
"That bandana was really symbolic of a person in the mending
process. Even though women mend after they've been assaulted, it's
always going to be a mark in their lives," says Monica Ramirez,
director of the Immigrant Women's Legal Initiative of the Southern
Poverty Law Center. "Wounds heal; scars never go away. No one
should be forced to give up their dignity in order to feed their
family."
For more information on the bandana project, go
to www.splcenter.org.
A Portland-based
journalist, Rebecca Clarren writes about the environment and labor
issues for various national magazines. The Fund for Investigative
Journalism frequently supports her work.
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Simply a foriegn trade and and econ development issue to touchy for DC ( Direct Corp america club ), so details of such get dropped in the lap of other outfits like ICE and the border patrol.