When Tony Jewett first heard that the late Mollie
Beattie, at the time U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service director, was
trying to ban hunting in the nation's wildlife refuges, he became
alarmed and outraged. The news came in a 1993 "alert" from the
Wildlife Legislative Fund of America - the same sportsmen's group
that later pressured Outdoor Life into suppressing Tom Beck's
critical bear baiting article.
Jewett feared for
his favorite hunting spot in southwestern Montana, a spectacularly
scenic national wildlife refuge. He started calling friends
immediately.
What he discovered was a far cry
from the alert, issued from the fund's headquarters in Columbus,
Ohio. No one, it became apparent, was trying to halt hunting on
refuges. Environmentalists had won a lawsuit forcing the U.S. Fish
and Wildlife Service to curtail incompatible activities such as
grazing, waterskiing and military maneuvers on nine refuges. In the
wake of that victory, they'd proposed legislation to clarify the
refuge system's main mission: conservation. Hunting, now allowed on
roughly half the nation's refuges, might be outlawed if, and only
if, it proved detrimental to a species'
survival.
No hunter who cares for the land should
have a problem with that, thought Jewett, who directs the Montana
Wildlife Federation. So why the alert? "Who are these guys?" he
wondered.
In terms of hunting groups, the
Wildlife Legislative Fund of America is a relatively new and
unknown kid on the block, yet it appears to pack plenty of clout on
Capitol Hill and among the hook-and-bullet press. Founded 20 years
ago to fight an anti-trapping initiative in Ohio, the fund says its
mission is protecting the rights of some 1.5 million sportsmen and
sportswomen to hunt, fish and trap.
Much of what
the fund does is predictable. Its legal office, the Wildlife
Conservation Fund of America, takes on cases to preserve hunting
access and to protect sportsmen from harassment by animal-rights
activists. The legislative fund itself lobbies Congress and helps
grassroots groups fight anti-hunting ballot initiatives, last year
doling out $120,000 to battle a record six anti-hunting measures,
says the fund's communications director J.R. Absher. In many ways,
the group is the perfect ally for sportsmen.
"We
support what they do," says Rich Gordon of the Rocky Mountain Elk
Foundation, a conservation-minded sporting group that gave the WLFA
$100,000 last year to fight initiative battles the foundation
didn't want to get involved in. "They are highly respected in
Washington, D.C."
Some outdoor writers and
hunters, however, have begun questioning why the Wildlife
Legislative Fund seems always to choose development over habitat, a
philosophy more in tune with the wise-use movement than with
conservation.
"The WLFA's sense of hunting and
angling stops where wildlife conservation starts," warned Jewett in
his group's newsletter after the flap over the so-called hunting
ban. "They throw shallow support to hunting and fishing interests
while actively promoting policies that in the short and long term
will destroy wildlife habitat."
One example, say
critics, is what the fund did after it issued the alert that
alarmed Jewett. When the environmentalists' bill failed, the fund's
lobbyists began working in 1995 with newly elected Republican
lawmakers to draft its own refuge bill. The bill was written in
part by William Horn, the group's Washington, D.C., lobbyist, who
held top positions in the Interior Department during the Reagan era
and who represents property rights advocates as a private
attorney.
Sponsored by Rep. Don Young, R-Alaska,
the fund's bill would have made hunting and fishing equal to
conservation on wildlife refuges. In addition, the original version
of the "National Wildlife Refuge Improvement Act" would have
permitted more military activity on refuges and allowed transfer of
refuges to states. The bill passed the House but never came to a
vote in the Senate.
Writer Ted Williams says that
although the fund claimed broad-based support for the bill, only
two of the eight groups it named as supporters - California
Waterfowl and a bow-hunting organization - told him they favored
the bill. The rest, including Wildlife Forever and the Foundation
for North American Sheep, had no position or were
opposed.
The fund has also worked to weaken the
Endangered Species Act, says Daniel Barry of the Clearinghouse on
Environmental Advocacy and Research, a part of the Environmental
Working Group that tracks wise-use activity. Fund lobbyists are
pushing a list of "common sense" amendments, including one that
would make it easier to bring back from abroad trophies of bagged
endangered species.
Other environmental groups
have clashed with the fund over logging. Jim Waltman of the
Wilderness Society says his group argued with fund staffers a few
years ago for opposing clearcutting on national forests. "They said
clearcuts were necessary for game species management," says
Waltman.
But critics say the most damaging aspect
of the WLFA is the distrust it spreads - a distrust of
environmentalists that drives hunters further from anything that
smacks of preservation of habitat.
Although the
fund is now working with the NRA and with conservation groups such
as the National Wildlife Federation to pressure Congress to better
fund the refuge system, Waltman says the fund typically discourages
alliances between sportsmen and
environmentalists.
"They're bordering on
hysteria," adds Waltman. "They've trumped up the power of the
anti-hunting community and constructed this bogeyman that doesn't
exist. Then they claim to have beaten the bogeyman."
But to staffers at the Wildlife Legislative Fund
of America, the bogeyman is so real it's knocking on the door. That
seemed especially true before last November's election, when
Outdoor Life was poised to print Tom Beck's bear-baiting article.
"Our concern was that the timing of the article would prove to be
divisive among sportsmen," says J.R. Absher of the fund. "The
anti-hunting people have found a tool in initiatives. They've
tasted success in a few states and they understand (initiatives)
can bring significant victories."
But the fund
isn't the only one to blame for sportsmen's fears, say Williams and
fellow outdoor writer Michael Furtman. Last year in Sierra
magazine, Williams chastised environmentalists for not reaching out
more to sportsmen. After being harangued by animal-rights activists
and ignored by environmentalists, sportsmen found it only natural
to align themselves with extreme-right groups like the National
Rifle Association and the WLFA.
Hindsight is
always 20/20; for now, the mistrust between environmentalists and
hunters remains. "What I'm afraid of is that any hunter who
questions anything is an anti-hunter," says Furtman, who draws
parallels to the McCarthy "witchhunts' of the 1950s. "If hunters
can't express debates within their own magazines, then where can
they?"
* Elizabeth
Manning






